Anna Diamantopoulou 
European Commissioner responsible for  Employment and Social Affairs 
Violence against women: zero tolerance  

International conference, closing of the European Campaign Lisbon
Centro de Congressos de Lisboa, 4-6 May 2000,

DN: SPEECH/00/161 Date: 2000-05-04
SPEECH/00/161

Anna Diamantopoulou
European Commissioner responsible for Employment and Social Affairs
Violence against women: zero tolerance
nternational conference, closing of the European Campaign
Lisbon, Centro de Congressos de Lisboa, 4-6 May 2000,

 1. Setting the scene: some figures

 Before embarking upon any analysis of the distressing phenomenon of violence against women, I  feel it is necessary to establish that this constitutes a crime. While there is always a victim and a  perpetrator, closer analysis reveals that the consequences of domestic violence extend far beyond  a destroyed relationship. Indeed, they affect key areas of life: individual well being including health  issues; at family level because victimisation extends to other family members and inevitably  encourages the reproduction of ill-conceived role models; at social level because it may lead to  the social exclusion of the victim; at an economic level because domestic violence translates into  enormous costs since public funds are mobilised for curative rather than preventive purposes.  Last but not least, violence against women also has political repercussions since it is a violation of  the fundamental human rights.

 Violence against women is a widespread phenomenon. So widespread that, globally,  women aged 15 to 44 are more likely to be maimed or die as a result of male violence  than through cancer, malaria, traffic accidents or war together.

 The United Nations estimate that 200 million females are missing in the world; women who  should have been born or grown up, but were killed by infanticide or selective abortion.

 South Africa reports the highest incidence of rape in the world. A woman is raped every  20 seconds; and only one in 35 reports it to the authorities.

 In the West, women campaigned throughout the twentieth century to have their basic human  rights respected. Now they have the right to vote and that of representation. And yet, throughout  the European Union, thousands of women are still unable to assert the most basic rights of all: the  right to life; the integrity of the person; and the right to human dignity.

 In today's Europe, women are still being beaten, threatened, bought, sold, prostituted and killed,  simply because they are women.

 Far from being a safe place, home is often the most dangerous place of all. In Ireland in 1998,  over half of all women murdered were killed by their partners or husbands. In Austria, 50 percent  of divorces are filed on the grounds of violence against women. As for Finland, 22 per cent of  women have suffered violence by their partners.

 Violence cuts across all cultural, national and class boundaries. A Dutch survey found that one in  five women had been subjected to physical violence by a partner or ex-partner. The figure in  Portugal was one in two. Available data suggests that, across the Union, one woman in every  four has been the victim of violence at some time in her life.

 Contrary to some people's expectations, poverty and lack of education are not significant factors.  In this respect, official crime statistics may be misleading because reporting rates and conviction  rates appear to be higher amongst low-income groups. If anything, the incidence of domestic  violence seems to increase with income and educational achievement. That was the surprising  finding of a Dutch study, corroborated by surveys in Finland and Italy, where almost half of all  those who commit violence against their partners, are holders of a university degree.

 Men who are respected in public may still be violent in private. And qualifications do not  necessarily provide an escape route for women who may be kept in a cycle of dependency by  shame, depression, or fear of reprisals. Or they may be worried that, as single parents, they will  be unable to meet the financial and emotional needs of their children.

 Domestic violence cannot be dismissed or properly dealt with as a drink or drug-related  problem. To judge from the available evidence, a surprisingly small proportion of violence is  committed when the perpetrator is drunk or has taken drugs.

 There is a clear lesson for policy-makers here: measures to combat poverty and related social ills  will not make the problem go away. We need to tackle violence head on through initiatives like  the European campaign that is now drawing to a close, like the new Daphne Programme, and the  Stop initiative on trafficking in women.

 I will leave my colleague, Mr Vitorino, to talk in detail about Daphne and Stop. But I would like  to say how pleased I am to see that the new Daphne Programme has been launched, with a  broader scope than the previous Initiative.

 2. Aims of the campaign

 Let me know turn to the campaign itself. You will be hearing more about the effectiveness of the  campaign shortly, from Olga Profili, and Heloisa Perista, who will present the Evaluation Report  to you.

 But let me remind you briefly what it set out to do. In a nutshell, the aim was "to break the  silence", to undermine the taboos that still prevent the issue from being discussed in public, to  stop women seeing violence against them as a source of shame and embarrassment.

 Yet the campaign was not addressed solely at the women on the receiving end of violence. After  all, they are emphatically not the source of the problem.

 Anyone genuinely interested in preventing domestic violence must tackle the root cause of the  problem. That is why the campaign was aimed at violent men as much as the women they attack.  The strongest message of the campaign was that domestic violence is a crime and will not be  tolerated. Alongside that message, the aim was to convince men that violence robbed them of  their dignity too, and that they could get help to stop them resorting to violence.

 Of course, we also had to let women know what assistance was available to them. The priority  was to promote the idea that women did not need to accept violence as a necessary part of their  lives and certainly not as something they were to blame for.

 The third target group was those who come into contact with violence indirectly: neighbours,  witnesses, other family members. They were urged not to tolerate violence, to speak out and help  the women, and the men, involved to break out of the cycle of abuse.

 3. The campaign: the start of a public debate

 The issue of domestic violence against women is still shrouded in ignorance: ignorance of how to  get help amongst those affected by violence, and ignorance of the scale and nature of the problem  amongst the public authorities and policy-makers. Despite the dedicated work of the groups that  offer practical and emotional support to women in need, the level of public debate on the  question is still pitifully inadequate. What is more, member states' response to domestic violence  is fragmented and often low-key, thus failing to effectively raise the basic awareness that domestic  violence is a crime that deserves to be repudiated by both state and society.

 The campaign, and the extensive Eurobarometer survey, were the first steps on the road to  change. They provided an idea of what could be achieved through coordinated action. The  campaign can be seen as part of the EU's efforts to meet the commitments it made at Beijing in  1995.

 The initial idea for the campaign came from the European Parliament, which has consistently  supported measures designed to eradicate violence and, more generally, discrimination, against  women. The Commission responded to Parliament's call and, thanks to Anita Gradin's  commitment, it proposed a visibility campaign, which began to take shape. It was helped along  by the conferences organised by successive Council Presidencies British, Austrian, German,  Finnish, and now Portuguese.

 Needless to say, none of this political action would have achieved anything in practical terms, if  we had not been able to draw on the expertise, energy and determination of NGOs specialising in  violence against women.

 4. The road ahead

 I was honoured to inherit the campaign after taking office last year, pleased to have the  opportunity to make some contribution to eradicating violence against women.

 It is not yet clear what further action will be taken at European level, but you may rest assured  that I will do all I can to maintain the momentum generated by the campaign.

 I said earlier that the issue of violence had to be tackled head on, that economic and educational  policies to promote gender equality were not enough. They may not be sufficient, but I believe  they are a necessary part of the attempt to empower women.

 One of the findings that has emerged from recent research is that patterns of domination and  violence often begin at times when women are most vulnerable when they are pregnant or looking  after very young children, for instance.

 It is crucial, therefore, that policy-makers do everything possible to make women less vulnerable.  That means guaranteeing them the same opportunities and choices that are open to men. It means  encouraging women to exercise those choices, and sending clear signals that discrimination  against women will not be tolerated, wherever it occurs.

 That is why, as Commissioner for Employment and Social Affairs, I am determined to provide  women with equal opportunities to acquire qualifications and skills in whatever field they choose,  to work and be financially independent, and to receive recognition and reward for their abilities  and their potential.

 Enabling women to make genuine choices means persuading employers to drop their hostility to  women with children and develop family-friendly employment policies. It also means modernising  social protection mechanisms to reflect modern social realities.

 You can be sure I am pushing forwards on all of these fronts, through legislative initiatives and  support programmes, and through the mainstreaming of gender equality in all Commission  policies.

 I will do all I can to continue the fight against domestic violence. I hope the Portuguese  Presidency will push this issue forwards during the remainder of their term, and look forward to  seeing what initiatives the French Presidency will announce in the second half of the year.

 I need hardly remind you that, despite the fine words, it is difficult to persuade public authorities  to provide funding for this issue, which is still often seen as a matter for private individuals rather  than for public policy. I trust the NGOs will sustain the pressure to change this way of thinking.  When Governments consider funding, they might bear in mind the results of a Dutch study, which  found that domestic violence cost the state more than 150 million euros a year in healthcare and  lost working time.

 There ought to be no need to resort to financial arguments when the topic under discussion is  upholding basic human rights. Indeed, it is shameful that, in mature democracies at the beginning  of the twenty-first century, the public debate on the whole issue of violence against women has  barely even begun. I will do all I can to promote that debate.

 But, if the European Union and its Member States are serious about honouring the values on  which national constitutions and the founding Treaties are based, then actions will be required as  well as words. After all, decision-makers, public authorities and society on the whole, can no  longer afford to be mere observers. It is therefore my sincere hope that this conference marks not  just the end of the campaign but the beginning of a more sustained and practical commitment to  freeing women from violence.